Amri ya Kukaa Ndani Wakati wa Ugonjwa wa Virusi vya Korona Kupamba Moto


Amri ya Kukaa Ndani Wakati wa Ugonjwa wa Virusi vya Korona Kupamba Moto

Ubepari Mupitia Mgongo wa Ugonjwa wa Virusi vya Korona (COVID-19)

By Leanne Loo

Volume 24, Number 1, Racial Capitalism
Juni 28, 2021
Soma makala katika kiingereza hapa / Read this article in English here.

Virusi vya Korona
Andres Chang
Katika kipindi chote cha janga la Ugonjwa wa Virusi vya Korona, nchi mbalimbali zimeanzisha mikakati tofautitofauti katika kudhibiti athari na mchanganyiko za maambukizi ya janga hili la kiafya ulimwenguni. Wakati serikali za nchi mbalimbali zikifuata hatua sawia katika kiwango tofauti—kama vile kukaa katika umbali wa mita moja au zaidi, na kujifungia ndani—Tanzania na Uswidi ni nchi pekee ambazo ziliamua kutokufuata masharti hayo kwa mwaka wa kwanza wa janga hilo. Hata hivyo, mamlaka mbalimbali za kimagharibi zimekuwa na maoni tofautitofauti kufuatia uamuzi huo.

Mwitikio wa kimataifa juu ya Tanzania kutokuchukua hatua zozote za kudhibiti janga la Ugonjwa wa Virusi vya Korona umekuwa ukipamba moto tangu Machi 2020. Rais wa kipindi hicho, Ndg. John Magufuli pamoja na serikali yake walikosolewa vikali na Shirika la Afya Duniani (WHO), Vituo vya Kudhibiti na Kuzuia Magonjwa ya Mlipuko Afrika (Africa Centres for Disease Control and Prevention), pamoja na maofisa na watafiti tofautitofauti wa masuala ya afya.1 Ingawa ukosoaji huo unaweza kukubalikiwa, kitu ambacho hakivumiliki ni namna vyombo vya habari vya Ulaya na Marekani vinavyoiga mtazamo unaopingana na haki za watu weusi kwa kuonyesha kwamba Waafrika hawana matumaini na weledi, ukichochea ubaguzi wa rangi kama ule wa Joseph Conrad katika riwaya yake ya Heart of Darkness. The Lancet, ambalo ni jarida maarufu la masuala ya kitabibu linalo heshimika, liliandika kwamba wahudumu wa afya wa Tanzania walikuwa wanahitajika kufuata utaratibu wa kudhibiti maambukizi ya Ugonjwa wa Virusi vya Korona, kama vile kunawa mikono.2 Kituo cha Mafunzo ya Kimkakati ya Kimataifa na Taasisi ya Kuimarisha Amani Duniani (World Peace Foundation) viliutaja mwitikio wa Tanzania kama wa ovyo na hauna mantiki yoyote. Lakini pia gazeti la The New York Times pamoja na chapisho la Foreign Policy la Marekani yaliripoti kwamba mwitikio wa Tanzania ilikuwa mjanga na msumu.3

Ni lazima ikumbukwe kwamba tathmini hizi zinafaa zaidi katika kuelezea viwango vikubwa vya maambukizi na vifo vilivyotokea Marekani na nchi mbalimbali za Ulaya kati ya Machi 2020 na Januari 2021. Mtazamo wa wazi wa kiubaguzi uliokuwa umeshikiliwa na vyombo vya habari pamoja na wanasayansi wa Magharibi dhidi ya Afrika uligundulika pale ambapo nchi za Afrika zilishindwa kushuhudia mamilioni ya Waafrika wakifariki kutokana na virusi vya Korona kama ambavyo ilitabiriwa na wanasayansi wa nchi hizo za Magharibi.4

Vilevile, lugha nzuri ilikosekana katika kuizungumzia nchi ya Uswidi ambayo pia haikutekeleza amri ya kujifungia ndani. Kiukweli, wakosoaji waliionea huruma zaidi Uswidi kuliko Tanzania, huku mwitikio wa Uswidi wa kutokuchukua hatua zozote ulipambanuliwa kama “fumbo,” ukitumia “mkakati” ambao ama ungefanikiwa au ungefeli, na kupelekea mjadala ambao ulichochea “pongezi na mwamko.”5 Sera ya Ugonjwa wa Korona ya Uswidi (Swedish COVID-19 Policy) ilisifiwa ipasavyo kama “Mkakati wa Uswidi” (Swedish Model) licha ya viashiria vya kuelekea kushindwa.6 Mkakati huu wa Uswidi ulikuwa wa kisayansi na wa kimkakati—yaani, ulihitaji sana mjadala—na siyo kulaumiwa haraka.

Nchi zote mbili, Tanzania na Uswidi, zimekataa kufuata hatua thabiti za kupambana na maambukizi ya Virusi vya Korona, lakini bado vyombo vya habari vina maoni tofautitofauti. Wakati taasisi za Magharibi zikidai ripoti sahihi za maambukizi mapya ya Korona, kutoa maoni ya wataalamu, na kufanya utafiti wa ugonjwa huu, haviwezi kusaidia chochote bali kuonyesha ubaguzi wao wa rangi.

Athari za Ukoloni Tanzania

Mitazamo ya kiubaguzi siyo ya ghafla, wala haitokani na upendeleo wa rangi; bali ni matokeo ya maendeleo ya kihistoria. Kama alivyosema mshairi na mwanasiasa wa kisiwa cha Matiniki (Martinique), Aime Cesaire,“hakuna mtu anayetawala kikoloni bila hatia.”7 Serikali za Ulaya na Amerika ya Kaskazini pamoja na mashirika yasiyo ya kiserikali vimewekeza vyakutosha katika kushinikiza mifumo ya kikoloni Tanzania, Afrika pamoja na nchi za upande wa kusini zenye kipato cha chini (Global South).

Mitazamo ya kiubaguzi siyo ya ghafla, wala haitokani na upendeleo wa rangi; bali ni matokeo ya maendeleo ya kihistoria.

Ujerumani iliitawala kikatili, mahali ambapo kwa sasa ni Tanzania, iliyojulikana kama Ujerumani ya Afrika Mashariki (German East Africa) kuanzia 1880 hadi 1919, na kuweza kutawala baadhi ya sehemu za biashara ya utumwa na kupora ardhi pamoja na rasilimali kwa ajili ya ukuaji wa uchumi wao (Wajerumani). Mazao kama katani, kahawa, mpira, na pamba yalipandwa kwa nguvu na dhahabu ilichimbwa kwa wingi. Ujerumani ilistawi vizuri kutokana na kujilimbikizia utajiri mkubwa kwa gharama ya maisha ya maelfu ya Watanzania. Kwahiyo, ni kejeli ileile pale ambapo shirika la utangazaji, Deutsche Welle, linalomilikiwa na serikali ya Ujerumani lilipochapisha makala iliyokuwa na jina la “Kukana kwa Tanzania juu ya uwepo wa Virusi vya Korona kunairudisha Afrika nyuma” (Tanzania’s COVID-19 denial risks pulling Africa back). 8Nyuma kivipi sasa? Wala haishangazi kuona makala nyingine kutoka Deutsche Welle ikielezea jinsi ambavyo Watanzania wanaoishi katika hali ya umasikini wanavyodanganyika na kutafuta dhahabu, huku wakihatarisha maisha yao wakikusanya mawe na shaba tu wakitumaini kupata vipande vya dhahabu kutoka kwenye mabaki ya mchanga uliochimbwa na wakoloni—bila hata kutaja kuhusika kwa Ujerumani katika kuanzisha migodi ya sasa ya dhahabu, na katika kuidunisha Tanzania na kuwafanya Watanzania wajione hawana chaguo.9

Ujerumani iliposhindwa kwenye Vita Kuu ya Kwanza ya Dunia, koloni la Ujerumani ya Afrika Mashariki (ambayo ni Tanganyika ya kipindi hicho) liligawanywa miongoni wa mataifa ya Ulaya yaliyoshinda vita hiyo. Uingereza ilianza kuitawala Tanzania, ambayo ilijulikana kama Tanganyika kipindi kile, kutoka 1916 mpaka 1961, baada ya kupata uhuru. Kupitia taasisi ambazo zilikuwa zimeimarishwa na utawala wa Kijerumani, Uingereza ilifaidi fursa hiyo na kuongeza uwekezaji kidogo tu, ikiendeleza mashamba ya mazao ya biashara kwa nusu karne; kitu ambacho kilichochea hadi utegemezi wa uchumi wa Tanzania kwenye kilimo.

Wakati rasilimali za Tanzania zikiporwa na wakoloni, Watanzania wengi walilazimishwa kujiunga na jeshi la Kijerumani kwenye Vita vya Kwanza vya Dunia na kufa kwa wingi; huku Waingereza waliwalazimisha Watanzania wengi kujiunga na jeshi lao kwenye Vita Kuu ya Pili ya Dunia ambapo pia wingi walikufa. Cha kushagaza, leo, Ujerumani na Uingereza zinakataa kuilipia Tanzania fidia, pamoja na makoloni mengine. Ni miongoni mwa mataifa mengi ya kikoloni yanayoficha uhalisia wa jinsi ambavyo ukoloni ulivuruga muundo wa uchumi wa dunia na kutengeneza na kuendeleza mfumo wa ulimwengu wa kimatabaka kati ya Nchi za Kaskazini na za Magharibi (Global North-South hierarchy); huku Uingereza ikienda mbali zaidi kwa kuamua kuchoma makumbusho yake ili kuharibu ushahidi wowote juu ya kuhusika kwake kwenye uovu huo.10

Early COVID-19 response timeline in Tanzania

Early COVID-19 response timeline in Sweden
Marina de Haro

Fig. 1: Comparison of early COVID-19 response timelines between Tanzania and Sweden.

Ukoloni Mamboleo na Ukuaji wa Ubepari

Aliyekuwa waziri mkuu na rais wa kwanza wa Ghana, Ndg. Kwame Nkrumah, alisema, “kiini cha ukoloni mamboleo ni kwamba serikali ambayo iko chini ya shinikizo la ukoloni mamboleo, katika nadharia, inakuwa iko huru na huwa na sifa zote kama serikali huru. Lakini kiuhalisia mfumo wake wa uchumi pamoja na sera yake ya kisiasa zinakuwa zinaongozwa na nguvu kutoka nje”.11

Leo hii, uchimbaji wa madini ya almasi na dhahabu nchini Tanzania umeendelea kushamiri tangu enzi za Waingereza. Katika uchimbaji wa madini ya almasi, kampuni ya Petra Diamonds kutoka Uingereza ndiyo mchimbaji mkuu wa madini hayo nchini Tanzania.12 Pia kampuni hii ina umiliki wa asilimia 75 katika mgodi wa almasi wa Mwadui (Williamson Diamond Mines) na asilimia 25 pekee zikimilikiwa na serikali ya Tanzania.13 Vilevile, migodi mingi ya dhahabu nchini Tanzania inaendeshwa na kampuni ya Acacia ambayo iko chini ya shirika la Barrick (Barrick Gold Corporation) kutoka nchi ya Canada.

Mataifa ya magharibi yameendelea kukandamiza ukuaji wa uchumi katika nchi ya Tanzania kupitia uporaji wa rasilimali. Kwa mfano, mwaka 2000, Wizara ya Madini ya Tanzania ilisafirisha madini ya almasi yenye thamani ya dola za kimarekani milioni 1.7 kwenda Ubelgiji.14 Kutokana na hilo, Wizara ya Maswala ya Kiuchumi ya Ubelgiji ilipandisha thamani ya madini hayo na kufikia dola za kimarekani milioni 11.5. Lakini pia, mwaka 2017, katika mauzo ya nje ya almasi, kampuni ya Petra Diamonds iliripoti taarifa za uongo kwamba almasi iliyotoka katika mgodi wa Williamson Diamonds mines ilikuwa na thamani ya dola za kimarekani milioni 15 wakati Tanzania ilitoa tathmini ya madini hayo kuwa yalikuwa na thamani ya dola za kimarekani milioni 29.5. Pengine mfano bora ni mwaka 2016, ambapo serikali ya Tanzania iliitoza kampuni ya Acacia dola za kimarekani bilioni 190, thamani ambayo ilikuwa inakadiriwa kuwa na thamani ya mapato ya miaka 200 ya kampuni hiyo na mara nne ya pato la ndani la Tanzania kwa wakati huo. Hii ilitokana na kampuni hiyo kushindwa kuweka wazi mapato yake haramu ambayo yalitokana na mauzo ya dhahabu kwa miongo miwili iliyopita.15

Vilevile katika uchimbaji wa rasilimali madini, nchi za Ulaya na Amerika ya Kaskazini zinaendelea kutumia mashirika na taasisi za kimataifa kama vile Benki ya Dunia na Shirika la Fedha Duniani (IMF) ili kutekeleza mfumo wa kiubaguzi ambao unarahisisha kusafirishwa kwa rasilimali kutoka nchi masikini kwenda Ulaya na Amerika ya Kaskazini. Wakati wa janga la Korona, Benki ya Dunia pamoja na Shirika la Fedha Duniani (IMF) vilitumia fursa hiyo na kuzisitishia nchi masikini kulipa madeni yake, na kuanza kuzipatia misaada pekee. Cha ajabu, nchi hizi masikini zimezidi kulimbikiza madeni yake kutokana na sera kandamizi za Benki ya Dunia pamoja na Shirika la Fedha Duniqni (IMF) ambazo zimeandaliwa kurahisisha usafirishaji wa malighafi kwenda nchi za Magharibi.

Kwa maana nyingine ni sawa na kusema kwamba ukoloni uliendelea licha ya kukoma kwa utawala wa kikoloni. Kabla ya kuziachia huru nchi walizokuwa wanazitawala, majeshi na warasimu wa kikoloni waliharibu ardhi pamoja na miundombinu mingi iliyokuwepo, mfano, mashamba, hospitali na vitu vingine muhimu. Kwa mfano, Wafaransa waliharibu ardhi na miundombinu muhimu kama vile shule na hospitali kabla ya kuondoka nchini Guinea mnamo mwaka 1958. Kutokana na hali hiyo, mataifa yaliyopata uhuru yalilazimika kukopa fedha kutoka kwa mataifa yaliyoendelea ili kukarabati nchi zao na kuboresha huduma za kijamii. Hali ya kuwa na uchumi unaotegemea usafirishaji wa malighafi kupeleka nje ya nchi ilizifanya nchi maskini kuwa waathirika wakubwa wa kupanda na kushuka kwa bei ya bidhaa na malighafi. Tangu mwanzoni mwa mwaka 1980, mipango maalumu inayolenga kurekebsha muundo wa uchumi imekuwa ikiendelea kuzipendelea nchi za magharibi kupitia kutekeleza biashara huria, kubana matumizi na ubinafsishaji. Nyuma ya nyuso zake za kibinadamu, Benki ya Dunia na Shirika la Fedha Duniani (IMF) zimekuwa na dhamira ya kurudisha ukoloni tena kupitia kivuli cha misaada ya kifedha na kijeshi.

Kabla ya kuuawa kupitia njama zilizoandaliwa na nchi za Magharibi 1980,16 Walter Rodney, mwandishi na mwanamapinduzi mashuhuri, kupitia kitabu chake kiitwacho How Europe Underdeveloped Africa (Jinsi Ulaya Ilivyorudisha Nyuma Maendeleo ya Nchi za Afrika) aliuza swali la kejeli kwamba “kwanini nchi ambazo kiasili ni tajiri ni maskini, na nchi ambazo hazina rasilimali ni tajiri na zinafurahia hali nzuri ya maisha?”17 Rodney alitoa majibu ya maswali hayo kwa kusema, “nchi zote ambazo zinaitwa hazijaendelea zilinyonywa sana wakati wa ukoloni.”

Legacy of colonialism in Tanzania
Marina de Haro

Fig. 2: Legacy of colonialism in Tanzania.
Tanzania was formed in 1964, after the union of Tanganyika and Zanzibar, ending nearly a century of colonial rule from Germany and Britain. However, despite political sovereignty, the Tanzanian economy remained highly dependent on colonial-era cash crop production and low value-added export. This figure compares the composition of Tanzania’s export in 1966 and 2019. In 1966, export constituted 25.5% of Gross Domestic Product (GDP);18 with 53 years of growth, the economy diversified—for example, natural fibers come from more plant harvest than sisal—but still relied largely on agricultural and precious mineral trade.19 Note: The data from 2019 have been simplified to make direct historical comparison: the “miscellaneous” category contains a variety of export items (<2% of total export for each); “manufactured products” contain machinery, clothing apparel, plastic, and glass. Figure outline is of mainland Tanzania, but the statistics shown include Zanzibar and Pemba.

Magharibi, na Nchi Zinginezo (The West, the Other)

Uhalisia wa ubeberu na ubepari wa kiubaguzi wa rangi umechangia kutengeneza mtazamo wa kimagharibi. Mwanafalsafa, Molefi Kete Asante, aliandika kwamba “ukoloni haukuwa tu kwenye suala la ardhi, bali ulikuwa pia kwenye taarifa za kikoloni kuhusiana na ardhi.”20 Vilevile, katika mlengo wa nchi za mashariki, msomi na mwanaharakati wa kipalestina, Edward Said, alisema kwamba siyo tu uporaji na unyonyaji wa vitu na mali unaohusiana na ubeberu pamoja na ukoloni, lakini pia jambo la kisaikolojia na kimaarifa linalolenga kuwatenga wengine kama “Wengineo” ambalo linaunda uhusiano wa kikoloni (watawala na watawaliwa).21 Jambo la kuwatenga wengine kama “Wengineo” linatengeneza wale wanaotajwa kama wengineo waonekane hawana nguvu, hata kama jambo hili linaukweli ama la. Pia kama Said anavyodai, utumiaji na uundaji wa dhana hii unaviruhusu vyombo vya habari kukusanya nguvu ya pamoja na ya marejereo, ukitengeneza mamlaka ya kimaarifa ambayo yanayowatawala hawa “Wengineo” na kuhalalisha nadharia hiyo.

Kitu ambacho ugonjwa wa Korona umetoa ni sura ambayo inaaksi mtazamo wa mamlaka za kibeberu zinazoshughulika na masuala ya magonjwa zenye mtazamo wa kikoloni kwa sasa.

Mtaalamu wa masuala ya jamii na utamaduni (anthropolojia) wa Haiti, Michel-Rolph Trouillot alipanua wazo la Said la Wengineo kwa kusema kwamba kujengeka kwa matabaka ya kijamii na kiutamaduni katika mpangilio wa jamii za daraja la chini na jamii za daraja la juu unaruhusu jamii za Magharibi kuendelea kutengeneza tabaka la “Wengineo” ili kuendeleza ubeberu bila kujali kilichomo katika utofauti huo wa jamii mbalimbali. “Wengineo” au jamii za tabaka la chini zinaendelea kuwa chini ya jamii zinazodaiwa kuwa za tabaka la juu.22 Lakini Édouard Glissant anadai kwamba “Jamii za Magharibi hazipo hivyo kwa sababu zipo Magharibi. Kwa muktadha huu, neno Magharibi limekaa kama mradi, na siyo mahali.”23 Kitu ambacho ugonjwa wa Korona umetoa ni sura ambayo inaaksi mtazamo wa mamlaka za kibeberu zinazoshughulika na masuala ya magonjwa zenye mtazamo wa kikoloni kwa sasa. Wakati wa janga la ugonjwa wa Korona, Tanzania na Afrika kwa ujumla zinaonyeshwa kama “Wengineo”, yaani watu wake wako nyuma kimaendeleo, wavivu na wanaweza kudhurika na majanga muda wowote. Waswidi, sambamba na taasisi za kimaarifa za Ulaya na Marekani, wanajiweka kama mamlaka zenye kiwango thabiti cha maarifa na wanadai ukweli wa kisayansi na kimaadili unaothibitisha uporaji wa nchi za Magharibi katika bara la Afrika.

Kama ambavyo mshairi na mwanaharakati, Audre Lorde, aliandika “mawasiliano ya kiujumla yanahitaji ubaguzi wa rangi ukubalike na usiweze kubadilikiwa katika uwepo wake, kama jioni au mafua.”24 Mifano ya taarifa tofautitofauti kuhusiana na mikakati ya kudhibiti Ugonjwa wa Virusi vya Korona kati ya Tanzania na Uswidi inadhihirisha jinsi mamlaka za kibeberu ni msingi katika kuimarisha ukuu wa mtu mweupe, ubepari na utabaka ya kikanda. Hii ni kwa sababu mamlaka hizi zinayoonesha dhana ya uhusiana wa Nchi za Magharibi na nchi zingine masikini ambao unarahisisha usafirishaji wa malighafi kutoka nchi masikini kwenda nchi tajiri, kutoka kwa watu weusi kwenda kwa watu weupe kama mtririko wa asili. Mtiririko huu, pamoja na dhana yake ya ubeberu, lazima upingwe katika harakati zetu za pamoja za kuleta ukombozi.

Acknowledgements

I am grateful to Thomas Nyalile for his support throughout writing this piece and his insights into virology and colonialism.

About the Author

Leanne Loo is a student at Tufts University studying Anthropology and Women’s, Gender, and Sexuality Studies. Her research and organizing are centered in abolition, decolonial feminisms, and transnational solidarity. She is broadly interested in how power operates and how narratives are produced, reproduced, and silenced, with specific attention to imperializing narratives of disease and contagion. Twitter: @leanne_loo

About the Artist

Marina de Haro is a Graphic Designer from Puerto Rico. She focuses on editorial design, branding, and illustration. Her only weakness is bio writing, you can look her up at marinadeharo.com. Instagram: @latardeser

References

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  8. Chrispin Mwakideu, “Tanzania’s COVID-19 Denial Risks Pulling Africa Back,” Deutsche Welle, September 2021, https://www.dw.com/en/tanzanias-covid-19-denial-risks-pulling-africa-back/a-56501377.
  9. Julia Hahn, “The Lure of Gold in Tanzania,” Deutsche Welle, December 2012, https://www.dw.com/en/the-lure-of-gold-in-tanzania/a-16527622.
  10. Ian Cobain, Owen Bowcott, and Richard Norton-Taylor, “Britain Destroyed Records of Colonial Crimes,” The Guardian, April 2012, http://www.theguardian.com/uk/2012/apr/18/britain-destroyed-records-colonial-crimes; Shohei Sato, “‘Operation Legacy’: Britain’s Destruction and Concealment of Colonial Records Worldwide,” The Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History 45, no. 4 (July 4, 2017): 697–719, https://doi.org/10.1080/03086534.2017.1294256.
  11. Kwame Nkrumah, Neo-Colonialism: The Last Stage of Imperialism (Panaf, 1974).
  12. Mark Curtis, New Colonialism: Britain’s Scramble for Africa’s Energy and Mineral Resources (War on Want, 2016).
  13. A. J. A. Janse, “A History of Diamond Sources in Africa: Part II,” Gems & Gemology, 32, no. 1 (1996): 2–30.
  14. Ian Smillie, Blood on the Stone: Greed, Corruption and War in the Global Diamond Trade (Anthem Press, 2010).
  15. Yomi Kazeem, “Tanzania Has Seized a UK Miner’s Diamond Shipment and Spooked the Global Mining World—Again,” Quartz, September 2017, https://qz.com/africa/1074700/tanzania-has-seized-15-million-of-diamonds-from-petra-diamonds/.
  16. The details behind Rodney’s assassination remain nebulous. The CIA is allegedly involved but evidence is scarce. Asha Rodney, daughter of Walter Rodney, suspected the involvement of “an incredibly repressive, [W]estern-backed regime eliminating and outlawing all forms of dissent.” Devyn Springer, “The Assassination of Walter Rodney.” Groundings. Accessed March 24, 2021. https://groundings.simplecast.com/episodes/the-assassination-of-walter-rodney.
  17. Walter Rodney, How Europe Underdeveloped Africa (London: Verso Books, 1972).
  18. Biersteker, Thomas J. “Self-Reliance in Theory and Practice in Tanzanian Trade Relations.” Africa in Economic Crisis, 1986. doi:10.1007/978-1-349-18371-5_9.
  19. “What Does Tanzania Export? (2019).” The Observatory of Economic Complexity. Accessed April 5, 2021. https://oec.world/en/visualize/tree_map/hs92/export/tza/all/show/2019/.
  20. Molefi Kete Asante, “An African Origin of Philosophy: Myth or Reality?,” Dr. Molefi Kete Asante, July 2004, http://www.asante.net/articles/26/afrocentricity/.
  21. In Orientalism, Said argued that the Orient was an “Other” to the West. See Edward W. Said, Orientalism (Vintage Books, 1979).
  22. Michel-Rolph Trouillot, “Anthropology and the Savage Slot: The Poetics and Politics of Otherness,” in Global Transformations: Anthropology and the Modern World, ed. Michel-Rolph Trouillot (New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2003), 7–28, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-04144-9_2.
  23. Édouard Glissant, Caribbean Discourse: Selected Essays (University of Virginia Press, 1992).
  24. Audre Lorde, “The Uses of Anger,” Women’s Studies Quarterly 25, no. 1/2 (1997): 278–85.